I have been to the Manchester Arena. The
internet tells me it was 8 August 1996, and I was there to see one of the last
dates on the Eagles’ Hell Freezes Over
tour. In those day, it was called the NYNEX Arena, in deference to a
now-defunct sponsor. The occasion came up in conversation only a few days ago,
but I couldn’t have dreamed that the venue would impinge so violently on my
consciousness as it did last night and this morning.
In a sense, we should not be surprised by the
vicious bomb attack on an audience so heavily comprising young children. The
police and the security services have been warning us for a long time that such
an attack on a mass event was likely, and, if the events across continental
Europe had not reminded us of the danger, then Khalid Masood’s murderous
rampage in Westminster in March should have done. I worked in the House of
Commons for 11 years, and in all that time I don’t think the threat level ever
dropped below “severe” (at one point, it was rather opaquely described as “black
special”).
So shock, but not surprise, should be the
order of the day. Manchester, of course, is no stranger to terrorist outrages;
it was bombed by the IRA in 1973, 1975 and 1992, and then again, famously, in
June 1996, when a 3,300 lb truck bomb was detonated on Corporation Street. They
were still clearing up the mess when I went to the Arena a few weeks later. The
1996 bomb, however, caused no fatalities, while, at the time of writing, 22
people are confirmed dead from yesterday’s attack.
For all that, the enormity (in the true sense
of the word) of the event does make you stop for a moment. In part, we are
almost too well served by the security services. They have foiled so many
terrorist plots since the London bombings of 2005, yet cannot fully publicise
the fact, that we are lulled into a false sense of security, no matter how
loudly and how often we are warned that it is not a matter of if, but when. And
this will happen again, of that I have no doubt. More people will die, but many
more will be saved by intelligence and policing work. The question is,
therefore, how we respond.
I mean two things by that. On the one hand,
there is the matter of how we respond on a practical, security level. Clearly,
searches will be intensified, at least for a while, at large events like
concerts and sporting fixtures. But much of that is now already routine. I was
searched before gaining entry to the Oval for the only professional cricket
match I have ever attended, and a more unlikely terrorist and unlikely venue you
would be hard-pushed to find. For the time being, though, the searches will be
more thorough, the queues a little longer, the waiting slightly more tedious.
Very well. I am wary of national stereotypes, but some hold true, and we are, I
would like to think, a stoical people (though from time to time we lose the
plot – see the funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales, for a prime example), and
in the main we will stand in line with good humour, occasional exasperation but
understanding of why it is all necessary.
Then what? How will the security services
respond to this latest attack? Much depends on the attacker (whose identity
they think they already know, which is very fast work). Was he a lone wolf, or
part of a cell? Did he build the bomb himself, or was he supplied with it from
elsewhere? Is there a network to be discovered and rooted out? This article, by
the BBC’s Dominic Casciani, is worth a read in this respect (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-40012208).
It may be that politicians, once campaigning gets underway again after today’s
suspension, will call for broader and more sweeping powers, particularly in the
field of surveillance. It is, in one sense, lucky that Parliament is currently
dissolved, so there can be no knee-jerk rush to legislate. We have a few weeks
to consider our response.
Most interesting, though, at least for me, is
how we respond intellectually and emotionally. The question presents itself
obviously: how could a person, a human being like you and me, do such a thing?
To detonate a bomb in the certain knowledge that young people, children in
their early teens or younger, would be killed, maimed and injured? What sort of
person must it be, to do that?
Certainly, it must be someone filled with
hate, and with a contempt for (some) human life. If, as seems likely, it was an
Islamic extremist, then he – or, conceivably she, but it is improbable –
represents a movement, an ideology, with which we are locked in an existential
struggle. I mentioned earlier the IRA. They were undoubtedly terrorists, evil
and brutal killers, but they had a limited and comprehensible goal: to force
Northern Ireland into a united state with the Republic. Islamic extremism is different.
It wants to destroy the Western, democratic way of life, and establish a
worldwide caliphate with all-embracing sharia law. Make no mistake about this.
We would not be safe from these murderers if only we had not participated in
military action in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or Syria. We are an obstacle for them,
“crusaders” who must be defeated in order to create their Islamist utopia. So
they are materially different from the IRA, or from ETA, or even from those
hard-left groups from the 1970s like the Red Brigade or the Baader-Meinhof
Gang. They cannot be negotiated with nor accommodated in any way. There can be
no dialogue with those who wish to obliterate your values.
Again, presuming that the killer was acting
out of Islamist fury, there will inevitably be more debate about the extent to
which he is representative of Islam, of the Qur’an, of mainstream Muslim
opinion both in the UK and worldwide. One side will say that Islam is a
religion of peace, that Islamism (or whatever term you choose to employ) is a
perversion of the faith, and Muslims will queue up to condemn the bombing. The
other side will say that Islamist terrorists use the tenets of Islam to justify
their actions, that large sections of the Muslim community hold values which
are inimical to our own, and that this struggle of West vs East must be treated
as such. I am as yet undecided.